There is a photograph of an empty room, splattered with blood. It also discussed serious concerns about the tension between the missions of the military police assigned to guard the prisoners and the intelligence teams who wanted to interrogate them. There was evidence dating back to the Afghanistan war, the Ryder report said, that M. being made to do various things that I would question morally. “The MI staffs to my understanding have been giving Graner compliments . Also the wing”—where the abuse took place—“belongs to MI and it appeared MI personnel approved of the abuse.”Another witness, Specialist Jason Kennel, who was not accused of wrongdoing, said, “I saw them nude, but MI would tell us to take away their mattresses, sheets, and clothes.” (It was his view, he added, that if M. wanted him to do this “they needed to give me paperwork.”) Taguba also cited an interview with Adel L.
The 372nd’s abuse of prisoners seemed almost routine—a fact of Army life that the soldiers felt no need to hide. Army regulations limit intelligence activity by the M. P.s had worked with intelligence operatives to “set favorable conditions for subsequent interviews”—a euphemism for breaking the will of prisoners. clearly separating the actions of the guards from those of the military intelligence personnel.” The officers running the war in Iraq were put on notice. investigators, “I witnessed prisoners in the MI hold section . Nakhla, a translator who was an employee of Titan, a civilian contractor.
There is another photograph of a cluster of naked prisoners, again piled in a pyramid. He felt very bad about it and thought it was very wrong.”Questioned further, the Army investigator said that Frederick and his colleagues had not been given any “training guidelines” that he was aware of. P.s in the 372nd had been assigned to routine traffic and police duties upon their arrival in Iraq, in the spring of 2003.
Near them stands Graner, smiling, his arms crossed; a woman soldier stands in front of him, bending over, and she, too, is smiling. In October of 2003, the 372nd was ordered to prison-guard duty at Abu Ghraib.
In the looting that followed the regime’s collapse, last April, the huge prison complex, by then deserted, was stripped of everything that could be removed, including doors, windows, and bricks. They fell into three loosely defined categories: common criminals; security detainees suspected of “crimes against the coalition”; and a small number of suspected “high-value” leaders of the insurgency against the coalition forces.